HARP TARIHI VESIKALAR DERGISI PDF

Ahmet Hulusi Efendi’nin Efganistan Elçiliğine Dair Vesikalar”, Istanbul Üniversitesi Tarih Dergisi, IV, Sept. Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı, Balkan Harbi, H-II. Bkz, İsmail Erünsal, “Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi’nin Arşiv Kaynakları I II. . Bâyezid devrine Ait bir İn’âmât Defteri”, İ:Ü. Tarih Enstitüsü Dergisi, Asır Sanayi ve Ticaret Tarihine Dair Vesikalar” Belleten, XXIV, 93 Ankara , s. askeri, kültür ve harp sanatı açısından dikkat çeken milletlerin başında Türkler gelir. 23 Harp Tarihi Vesikalar Dergisi; Sayı 52, Vesika No ı Tümerdem; Yunanlılarla istiklal Harbi, istanbul, , s. Fahri Belen; Türk Kurtuluş.

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Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet. Full text of ” A Reign of Terror: In essence, I was interested in why people hurt each other physically and psychologically.

The German occupation of the Netherlands provided much food for thought, so I started reading thick popular books and Dutch war novels in primary school. Later, in my adolescence, this interest became more serious as it chrystallized further to include the televised race riots in Los Angeles, the nationalist wars like those in Yugoslavia or Eastern Turkey, the televised Rwandan genocide, and finally, the Holocaust – my first monomaniac fascination.

I was absorbed by the black-and-white propaganda movies of thousands of well-dressed Nazis rhythmically marching and saluting through streets draped with hundreds of flags. But this was no over-moralized cliche anti-Nazi statement. On the contrary, my interest was rooted in other emotions: I wanted to be like them, to experience in person that nationalist hysteria, the feeling of belonging to an enormity, the unlimited power, and the occult satisfaction of mass hate.

But upon seeing the images of the death camps, the children, the injections, the obscenity of the body count, I realized that something insane was going on.

With very strong emotions of righting injustice, I wanted to leap into history to free the victims, break their chains, tear down the barbed wire and end the suffering.

Since I was determined to know more about the evils committed in this period, I kept searching and finding material about the Nazi genocide. I wrote several papers and organized a documentary screening about the shoah, and by the time the topic was finally taught in my third- year history class, I knew more about it than my history teacher, Mr. Henk Wes, whom I would like to thank on this occasion for his inspiring classes and for urging me to pursue my interest further.

In this vesikqlar quest for finding satisfying answers to those disturbing questions haunting me since my childhood, I registered for Sociology at the University of Groningen. Since the dawn of time human beings have been barp in organizing the mass-murder of their fellow human beings. Along with a growing expertise in genocide studies and a continuous process of redefining ethic frameworks, I became interested in the Armenian Genocide.

Not only was this one of the major examples of modern genocide, it jarp also carried out in the region where I was born Eastern Turkey. Well before any scholarly exercise I began interviewing the elderly from that region, as will be explained in the introduction.

Not only did I realize that the events were very much alive in the collective memories of present local communities, it also became clear that these memories fully contradicted the denialist policies of Turkish state organs. In order to fully commit myself to a more or less thorough study 4 of an aspect of the genocide, I opted for the one-year MA programme that the Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies offered at the University of Amsterdam.

During this intensive course I experienced a very productive year, culminating in 3 publications and this MA thesis. Naturally, I owe many people gratitude. I specifically thank my good friend Nijan Sarican, whose help and support during traihi writing process was indispensible.

Then, I also have to thank the dozens tarlhi partly anonymous respondents that I interviewed for the sake of oral history material. With a generous grant each, their financial support facilitated my research greatly.

Above all I would like to thank my supervisors: Johannes Houwink ten Cate and Dr. Finally, thank you to my extended family for their endless support and for putting up with me. Septemberistanbul MayAmsterdam 5 Introduction This is a study of Ottoman government policies in the province of Diyarbekir from to From barp, a small but radical faction within this semi-official political party ordered empire-wide campaigns of ethnic cleansing, involving mass-deportation, forced assimilation, and genocidal destmction of various ethnic communities.

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Hundreds of Arab, Armenian, Tarihk, Syriac, and other communities suffered losses as a result of these forced relocations and persecutions.

Türkiyə İstiqlaliyyət müharibəsi – Vikipediya

Combined with wartime famines due to corruption, failed harvests due to deportations, and the outbreak of contagious diseases, millions of human beings died. The CUP put its policies into practice for the sake of a thorough ethno-religious homogenization of the empire, resulting in the establishment of a Turkish nation-state in In the first Republican decades, processes of social engineering went on as many CUP potentates remained influential and continued to formulate and implement new nation-building policies in the Turkish Republic.

Although several general studies on these ethnic policies have been written, there are only few case-studies. This study will analyze the wartime history of Diyarbekir province, which has been selected because of its centrality in the Ottoman Empire.

Its administrative, legal, and military importance is illustrated by the fact that it lodged a powerful governorship, a court-martial, and the Second Army. Furthermore, it harboured a broad diversity of ethnic and social groups of whom little is known. Diyarbekir is especially an interesting case because it can provide opportunity for testing the following research questions.

As mentioned above, the two main lacunes in the historiography of the First World War of the Ottoman Empire are firstly the local implementation of anti-Christian policies, and secondly the fact that many other communities suffered losses too. These two issues will be addressed for Diyarbekir province: It is not widely contested that between and Anatolia was more or less cleansed of Ottoman Christians through migration, forced conversion, deportation, and massacres.

The Armenian Genocide and the Shoah Zurich: Chronos,pp. Suakjian, Genocide in Trebizond: Armenian Reference Books, A second issue is the fate of other non-Muslim minorities. Since this study is on Diyarbekir province, the lesser known experiences of Syriacs and Yezidis will be included.

It is known that they were subjected to similar genocidal attacks, but questions remain on how this should be conceptualized. Thirdly, the long history of Kurdish-Armenian relations included periods of coexistence alternated with periods of friction, the large-scale political violence of being a milestone of friction. Yet, relatively little research has been done on the complex and often ambivalent actions of Kurdish individuals and tribes before, during and after the genocide.

The participation of Kurdish tribesmen in the massacring of Christians will also be considered in detail for Diyarbekir. Regarding the second core problem, there is little detailed research on deportations of Kurds.

It is unclear whether Kurdish citizens were deported out of wartime necessities to thwart off their potential alliances with Russia, or whether these deportations were premeditated programs of ethnic restructuring and forced assimilation. Then again, this approach needs to reckon with the Balkan migrants that were forced to settle in the eastern provinces, Diyarbekir included. Naturally, all of these questions cannot be answered exhaustingly, but these critical issues may pave the way for new areas of inquiry.

Until recently, scholarly studies on the CUP have expounded on its genesis, organizational stmcture, cadre, and ideology. This study aims at filling this gap by attempting to contribute to our empirical understanding of CUP policies in Diyarbekir province. A comprehensive analysis of the period, including a full discussion of the entire scheme of social engineering, is outside the scope of this study, therefore only one province will be at the center of our attention: Sporadically we will glance beyond its provincial borders, as this will only be done in cases where the particular can only be explained by the general, i.

Before proceeding into the structure of this thesis, it is first important to point out why it seems necessary to focus on Diyarbekir as a key to understanding the aforementioned problems.

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Grasping the relationship between center and periphery requires concentrating on a region per se. This is significant because the implementation of any policy depended on the balance between the administrative autonomy of governors and mayors on the one hand, and the Interior Ministry on the other. This way, an analysis of the meso- level would bridge the gap between the too general macro- and too specific micro-level.

Firstly, Diyarbekir was to constitute a tarhi where deportees were concentrated from all over the vast empire.

Secondly, Diyarbekir province harboured a formidable diversity of ethnic and religious communities. Each of these has its often very traumatic collective memories and popular narratives about the period thus it seems meaningful to explore these and compare the various experiences. Last but not least, this regional approach is methodologically useful in terms of writing hitherto neglected local history.

The first chapter provides an overview of the political situation in the Ottoman Empire at atrihi eve of the war, in particular the ideas and actions of the CUP vis-a-vis their subject gesikalar. Its three concepts, crisis, nationalism, and ethnic restructuring will be elaborated as the chapter concentrates on key decisions taken by the CUP, in tariji period Along with brief ethnographic and socio-economic explorations, this will deal with intercommunal relations and with the Turkification of administrative posts by loyal and influential CUP members.

Chapter two examines the persecution of the Christians in the province of Diyarbekir. This reconstruction will focus on the fate of the Diyarbekir province Armenians and Syriacs including the Tur Abdin regionderigsi on passing convoys of deportees. The role of Kurdish tribesmen in the persecution will also be scrutinized. Chapter three takes up the deportations of Kurds to the western provinces and their intended assimilation into the newly formulated Turkish culture. It intends to reflect the situation in Diyarbekir in the aftermath of the war, when the destructions had ebbed down.

It will also look into vesimalar actions of remaining CUP members and local accomplices, and the implications of the war for Diyarbekir. Chapter four will conclude vesikaar summing up the main findings of this study and adding some more general remarks on vesikaalr context of the events. The material for this study is based on original documentation from Ottoman, American and European consular, diplomatic, and private archives and memoirs.

Ottoman archival material is unquestionably the prime source for any discussion of the deportations. The Ottoman archives, located in the Sultanahmet district in European Istanbul, are not only one of the richest 4 For a bibliography of research on the CUP, see: Naim Turfan, Rise of the Young Turks: Politics, the Military and Ottoman Collapse London: Tauris,bibliography.

Comparative Studies in Society and Historyvol.

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Due to the vesijalar and secretive nature of the CUP many decisions and orders were issued orally. This is especially true for compromising situations such as murderous orders. Therefore, it is futile to delve in the Ottoman archives for vesikqlar references containing the destruction of an entire group.

In addition to official documents, a bottom-up perspective will also be utilized. Perpetrator, survivor, or bystander memoirs are very useful in drawing local pictures and furnish details on small cities, villages, neighbourhoods, and families.

Catalog Record: Harp tarihi vesikaları dergisi | Hathi Trust Digital Library

Even though nine decades have passed since the events, many details remain strikingly vivid in the admittedly fragmented memory base of Eastern Anatolian communities. Fortunately, a lot of work has already been carried out: International Journal of Middle East Studiesvol. Hovannisian, The Armenian Genocide: History, Politics, Ethics Basingstoke: Macmillan,har.

For critical notes on survivor memoirs see: Jahrbiicherfur Geschichte Osteuropas, vol.